A game of success for Juncker?

(BRUSSELS2) The creation of the European Border and Coast Guard is one of the first concrete achievements of the Juncker Commission (read: Commonly managed European border (and coast) guards. Let's go !). No offense to certain disgruntled minds, Europe reacted well and as quickly as it could. And this is not the only area where this European Commission has reacted well...

The lifting of some taboos

Since his arrival almost two years ago, the European executive chaired by the former Prime Minister of Luxembourg has lifted a few taboos and made it possible to accelerate the implementation of structural solutions for the future. The results are not automatically very visible. But in two or three years, when we take stock of this Commission, we will be able to see that the evolution is significant. Whether at the economic level or at the level of security and defence, the "politics" is very present.

The return of competition policy

At the economic level, first of all, without calling into question the official dogma of the 3%, the Commission has introduced a little flexibility into the stability pact. Tolerance towards France, the refusal to impose fines for budgetary slippage in Spain in Portugal this summer by invoking “ exceptional economic circumstances are there to testify. Certainly the dogma of austerity is still not over. And the elements of an economic recovery are not really present. But under the aegis of Commissioner Vestager, the European executive has also rediscovered the path of authority to police competition matters (1), not hesitating to confront the major economic groups if necessary (Google, Apple...), with investigations and supporting fines against what is, under the pretext of tax optimization, large-scale economic fraud.

The military is not the enemy of the community

Next, at the security level, the Commission put an end to the sometimes incomprehensible dithering on the possible financing of military capabilities in third countries. The "Train & Equip" project, renamed CBSD (2), resulted in a formal proposal which must now be discussed. When it is adopted, it will finally make it possible to fill a gap in European aid: to be able to complete the stabilization operations of a country in the medium term, by helping the armed forces of these countries to acquire adequate means (everything except arms).

In terms of defence, the European executive has put a project on the table to finance defense research. The amount is limited for the moment: 25 or 30 million euros per year. But it's better than pilot projects which only represent a limited investment of 1 or 2 million euros (read: Defense research financed by the EU budget, here we go. Three pilot projects signed). This is another step towards the inclusion of defense issues in the European research & development program (PCRD or Horizon 2020). If this project comes to an end, Europe will finally have the financial capacity to supplement national research funding on certain key subjects for Europe, with a desire to lead to industrial projects (drones, maritime surveillance, etc.) .

A true Foreign Minister

Finally, at the institutional level, we can note the fact that the High Representative of the Union (Federica Mogherini) has really become what was the spirit (and the letter) of the Treaty of Lisbon, the coordinator of the foreign policy of the European Commission. As Jean-Claude Juncker said, she is “my Minister of Foreign Affairs”. We were able to verify this during the last European Council (Friday 21 October) which entrusted the High Representative with the task of conducting the policy of immigration agreements abroad. This practice also contrasts with what was practiced recently where reigned in the time of Barroso-Ashton a relationship based more on competition and erasure.

No praise but recognizing achievements

After years of immobility, there is no question of braiding excessive praise (this is not the kind of B2). This Commission made some notable mistakes, which had a major media and therefore political impact. By not clearly assessing the damage caused by a slippery Barroso at Goldman Sachs or a big lie by Nelly Kroes (3), by being clumsy to say the least on the question of CETA, this Commission has committed serious political missteps and started, a little more, the trust capital of European legitimacy. But we must not forget to put in the balance all that is to be credited to this Commission. Without being a fan of Jean-Claude Juncker, he must be recognized for having brought a real political impetus to important issues for all of Europe...

(Nicolas Gros-Verheyde)

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(1) This is not a discovery or revolution contrary to what some have believed discerned. Europe has long considered a tax exemption as state aid. Only so far this tool was used more against state monopolies or to dismantle public services (Post, SNCF, etc.) than against private multinationals.

(2) Capacity building in support of security and development

(3) Some commentators like to clear European responsibility to burden the Member States. This is not correct. Neelie Kroes held a leading position at European level (commissioner for competition). She was employed and paid from European funds for ten years. It made a formal commitment before the European Parliament to provide full transparency on its banking and financial situation (Read: Neelie Kroes: one hell of a liar!). It is indeed European legitimacy that is called into question here. To leave any room for laxity is simply to give a bonus to dishonesty in politics and to give Europe's adversaries the yardstick to beat it.