Reform of Europe: Minister D'Alema draws up Italian red lines but abandons social Europe
(B2) The event was expected, announced by its promoters - the European reformist left - as a turning point in the European debate, a "refounding" act. We have to admit that, for brilliant and structured, the intervention of the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs, in front of an audience of the Free University of Brussels, all committed to his cause, Monday evening 12, remained below these expectations. The analysis is insightful. "A more humane globalization needs Europe, this is the true spirit of the European mission", explains Massimo D'Alema. And “we are at a decisive turning point in the integration process, either we manage to have an agreement by 2009. Either the pause for reflection will turn into a paralyzing crisis”. But if the Left Democrat displays the slogan of “global Europe”, of “united Europe”, one should not really look for new, avant-garde ideas in his remarks. His intervention marks more like the return, after years of abstinence - which is already enough - of Italy in the virtuous European circle.
Massimo d'Alema, from the start, demanded the pursuit of institutional reform "not on the basis of the Treaty of Nice but on the basis of the Constitutional Treaty". He then defined the red lines of his country which it is important to safeguard in a new negotiation: "creation of a Ministry of Foreign Affairs (integrated) into the European Commission, stable presidency of the European Council, extension of the qualified majority on basis of the double majority principle, possibility of closer cooperation and other forms of differentiation, (reform) agreement on the European Commission, distribution of competences and sources of legislation, binding force of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, attribution of legal personality in the European Union”.
“The institutional agreement will not be enough to relaunch Europe,” believes Massimo d'Alema. “Citizens must consider the European agenda as an internal agenda”. To create “a new contract with the citizens”, it would be wise to “generate European political families with unified lists in the Parliament of Strasbourg”. He therefore recommends in the next European elections “that the national parties present common programs and candidates, that each party designate a candidate for the European Commission”. There is certainly “a risk of seizing up the consensus in the EP and the loss of the monopoly of the initiative”, he acknowledges. But that's the price to pay.
This renewed trust with citizens also means, believes d'Alema, having a clear definition of European borders. Europe must expand to the Balkans – a “necessity” – and, possibly, to Turkey – if it evolves completely, a “geopolitical and identity challenge”. But afterwards, "enlargement must be interrupted at least before a visible future". The competences between Europe and the Member States must be clarified.
“In what other sectors share sovereignty? he asks himself the question. Undoubtedly, “in all the external sectors, from energy to climate to security policy, which presupposes the end of blockages of the powers of the Member States and a certain institutional flexibility”. On foreign policy, Europe must finally be "credible" and present. "There is no other alternative to a unified policy abroad if not insignificance". This notably involves the unification of external representations
- at the IMF first of all, then at the UN Security Council - truly common positions taken because they worked together - as was the European response to the Lebanese crisis this summer, and the desire "to 'assume our share of responsibility' at the global level. On flexibilities, in addition to the development of enhanced cooperation - "in a strong, common and open framework", the Minister is also betting on the existence of a "driving core of countries that is part of all integration policies" ( Euro zone, defence, etc.).
This new sharing of sovereignties therefore involves a redistribution of the cards. “There are sectors where Europe has done too much, too much regulation. This capacity for self-regulation must be restored to the Member States and regional authorities”. This redistribution has no taboos, particularly in financial matters. This means "less money for agricultural policy, more money for research and growth".
It is on social and economic Europe that the argument of the leader of the Left Democrats is paradoxically the weakest. After having criticized the Lisbon agenda, which "has remained a dead letter because of the deleterious and non-binding method", recalled the need for the internal market, and made the necessary detour by demanding "better economic governance", he speaks not for a social model but for a "European social space". Different denomination but which remains, according to the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, limited to a few aspects: right to education, minimum income, transfer of rights acquired when traveling within the Union. No question of creating a social Europe. Social policy should be more a matter for national states and regional authorities. “Shared sovereignty should not relieve States of their responsibilities”.
