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Towards a humanitarian CSDP mission near Libya. Details of a new kind of operation

A Swedish C130 prepositioned in Malta for evacuation (credit: Swedish Ministry of Defence)

(BRUSSELS2/Exclusive) It's a green light, timid, but a green light all the same. The 27 EU foreign ministers agreed on Monday (21 March) to "in-depth planning" for a CSDP (military) operation to support for humanitarian assistance and civil protection operations carried out on the borders of Libya. After hesitating for a few weeks, the 27 now seem determined to go fast enough. All the details of a new type of operation...

Quick decision expected

If the 27 refused, Monday, to approve a CMC - concept of crisis management - in the state, they however seem resolved to act now quickly. Because the situation on the ground could deteriorate quite quickly. But also, and above all, because it seems important to show that the European Union remains united enough to carry out a large-scale operation, despite the divisions on the opportunity and the extent of the military action (carried out with the Americans) .

Thorough planning must therefore be done urgently in order to be able to make a decision by the weekend. Above all, it is the agreement of third countries (Egypt and Tunisia), an essential condition for the launch of a CSDP operation, which is necessary. The services of the High Representative have thus been given the mandate to "make contact", " urgently, with the UN General Secretariat and the countries of the region, including Egypt and Tunisia ". Contacts already exist in fact, it is now a question of formalizing them with a letter of invitation in good and due form. The objective is to be able to have a decision from the Council by the end of the week (by the European Council in fact).

Target objective: air/naval bridge and humanitarian support

The situation at the Libyan borders can, in fact, quickly get out of hand with the arrival of large numbers of refugees. Not to mention those who have already arrived. There are still a number of people in transit camps in Tunisia. As well as a number of people stranded at the border between the two countries, in Egypt.

The objective of the mission is quite framed. It's about " support humanitarian efforts carried out by the international community, essentially by ensuring the safe transfer of refugees and displaced persons to their countries of origin, by air or by sea. This air or naval bridge would be particularly oriented towards the poorest countries such as Bangladesh or sub-Saharan countries. A need observed and regularly recalled by the UNHCR/IOM.

The European mission could also provide the United Nations with certain specialized capacities which respond to shortcomings on the ground, for example engineering, communications, hygiene and running water (purification, etc.).

A priori, there is currently no question of managing or securing camps for refugees or displaced persons, which are provided by the local authorities (Egypt or Tunisia). Similarly, there is no question of the protection of civilians inside Libya. But nothing forbids thinking of an extension of this mission, if the Gaddafi regime were to open up or fall...

Similarly, the possible evacuation of European nationals remains within the domain of the consular system (of the Member States) and the coordination of civil protection resources ensured at European level by the MIC.

Device of the mission and rules of engagement

This mission would be placed in close coordination with the United Nations agencies, in particular that responsible for humanitarian aid (OCHA). The Europeans would do so at their request. And the scope of their action, like the dimensioning of the necessary means, would thus be adapted to the request of the United Nations. A small EU-UN coordination cell should be set up. The mission will also have to respond to the needs observed on the ground by the humanitarian system deployed by ECHO, the European Humanitarian Aid Office.

Rules of engagement for military assets should be drafted in accordance with the UN Guidelines on the Use of Military and Civil Defense Assets (MCDA). In terms of securing the personnel sent on the spot, this could be ensured first of all by the means of the host countries (Egypt or Tunisia).

The operation will be financed mainly by the States participating in the operation. A small part - the common costs of command, logistics, communication - will be financed by all member states (except Denmark) through the mechanism Athena (share calculated in proportion to GDP). It is not intended to be supported by the European Commission's ECHO or MIC system as it stands. But, a priori, nothing prohibits it.

Participation of Arab League countries

The participation of third countries, in particular countries of the Arab League, is not only explicitly envisaged but also desired, whether to provide additional means of transport, logistical support, intelligence, etc. The presence of Arab countries would also provide Europeans with a certain legitimacy on the spot, but also a certain knowledge of the terrain.

It should be noted that the United Arab Emirates have already made known their availability to provide resources, including air, for a humanitarian operation.

Resources committed : variable according to demand

The headquarters of the mission could be located in Rome. Italy having proposed its OHQ. What would be the first use of this device. A logistics FHQ would be installed as close as possible to the field, at a port or airport, in Egypt or Tunisia.

The mission would include between 600 and 1500 people and a number of planes and boats to be determined according to demand. Both strategic (Airbus A330, C17, etc.) and tactical (Hercules C-130, Transall C-160) aircraft may be required depending on the destination. Ships may also be used to transport refugees and displaced persons.

It would also include medical support, of the Role 2 type (field hospital), and sufficient logistical means to be autonomous for a variable period of between one and several months. The objective of this support is not to make the forces sent rely on local or international resources which will be turned towards the refugees.

Rapid deployment, even use of a battlegroup

The deployment time of such a mission can be quite fast. Because both air and sea resources can be brought together fairly quickly. They have already been deployed, in fact, without a PeSDC operation in operations called Pegasus I (evacuation of EU citizens) and Pegasus II (evacuation/repatriation of non-EU citizens). If necessary, these means could be drawn from, or carried out by one of the battlegroups on duty at European level, as confirmed to 'B2' by a national diplomat belonging to a country which is not engaged in the military operation.

Comments : A new kind of PeSDC mission

If this operation is confirmed, it would prefigure a new kind of mission from several points of view: by the objective of the mission - for humanitarian purposes and not for security -; through the participation of third countries, the Arab League; by its location in the Maghreb (first mission in this region of this PeSDC); by the possible involvement of battlegroups; through its close liaison with the United Nations system or ECHO.

The advantage of this mission is to be able to offer the Member States of the EU, in particular the neutral States, as well as those which criticize or do not participate in the military coalition, an "active" way of involvement in the resolution of the Libyan crisis.

The difficulty is not practical or logistical this time, but rather political, administrative and ethical. It is a question of finding the right level of intervention with the action already carried out by the other European structures (ECHO and MIC). It is also necessary to ensure good coordination between these different European elements with the United Nations system and the efforts made by local entities. Finally, it is a question of finding a way of not mixing military action as such with the action of supporting humanitarian aid. Italy's pivotal role is, on this last point, particularly delicate since it serves both as an important support for the Odyssey Dawn military operation through its bases, for Frontex's Hermès operation (with the proximity of Lampedusa ) and offering the command headquarters to the humanitarian operation.

This operation will be, finally, a test for the crisis management structures resulting from the Treaty of Lisbon (European diplomatic service in particular) as well as their ambition in terms of European defense policy.

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Nicolas Gros Verheyde

Chief editor of the B2 site. Graduated in European law from the University of Paris I Pantheon Sorbonne and listener to the 65th session of the IHEDN (Institut des Hautes Etudes de la Défense Nationale. Journalist since 1989, founded B2 - Bruxelles2 in 2008. EU/NATO correspondent in Brussels for Sud-Ouest (previously West-France and France-Soir).

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