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Top Chef 2019: names, what names?

(B2) The European summit is slipping in the semolina with a plethora of candidates, but no consensual figure who stands out to the point of inducing compromise. The bankruptcy of the Spizenkandidat system, which was supposed to find a democratic and objective response to a system previously considered too opaque and made up of chance, left a void

Leo Varadkar, Irish Prime Minister, and Helen McEntee, Minister for European Affairs, upon their arrival at the summit on Thursday (credit: EU Council)

The Spitzenkandidat nipped in the bud?

For the post of head of the European Commission, the Spitzenkandidat system had been recommended by the European Parliament and several heads of state and government. This system, inaugurated for the first time five years ago with the Juncker Commission, was nipped in the bud because of the weakness of the candidates chosen. Placing Manfred Weber for the EPP, Frans Timmermans for the S&Ds and Margrethe Vestager for the Liberals (and Renaissance) weakened the structure. Good each in their field, these three there did not have the stuff to be able to gather beyond their camp (and still) and to be able to claim to negotiate as equals with the big or the hard of this world. When we compare them to the existing triangle in 2014 (Juncker-Schulz-Verhofstadt), we can see that they are second best.

The rebalancing in Europe between the different political forces has not helped. After the European elections in May, the European Parliament, fragmented, no longer reached a consensus on a name: is it that of the first group to arrive arithmetically in the lead (EPP therefore Manfred Weber)? Or the one with the most votes (a hypothetical candidate who never saw the light of day)? At the European Council, the dilemma was just as intense, reinforced by severe criticism from a good dozen European leaders on the very principle of Spitzenkandidat.

Many alternative candidates

A whole series of candidates then emerges, often European leaders or personalities close to them who could be present in the game for a position at the head of the European Commission or the European Council (1). Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković (EPP) has made no secret of his claims: he has the advantage of being a bit from the South, a bit from the East, and from the EPP. Belgian Charles Michel (Liberal) said mezzo voice that he was available (cf. the daily Le Soir which is not one article in its favor ;-). There is also the Dutchman Mark Rutte (Liberal), repeatedly quoted and repeatedly denied (because he prefers a position in The Hague than in Brussels), or the Lithuanian Dalia Grybauskaitė (ind.) who combines certain advantages (being a woman, from the East, with a solid experience at the Commission as at the head of a state, coming from a small country, and not encarte) but has only one downside: a little too anti-Russian for the taste of some . Finally, we find the Frenchman Michel Barnier (EPP, Brexit negotiator), very discreet for some time, who is concretely one of the best candidates we can have for the European Commission.

Candidates adept at discretion

But there are also a few countries that are creeping along. Irishman Leo Varadkar (EPP) would not be insensitive to a proposal to take up a position (advantages: his youth, coming from a small country used to providing solid 'guys' to European integration, Brexit has politically well-honed). Portugal's Antonio Costa (S&D) has sometimes been cited. The Maltese Joseph Muscat (S&D) would also see himself at the European Commission for example, but his file is not very attractive. Although he has been very active on the issue of migrants and the Mediterranean, the Daphne affair (named after the murdered journalist) is still not fully elucidated and corruption cases pollute the island.

The spirited Austrian leader Sebastian Kurz would propel himself well to the Belgian capital where he is comfortable, as a repechage for the loss of his seat at Ballhausplatz. Finally, the Spanish Socialists are ready for various compromises, as long as they can squeeze one of their own into an important decision-making post (a major economic Vice-Presidency of the Commission, for example, in the absence of the High Representative who, obviously, not enthusiastic about Josep Borrell, contrary to what some persistent rumors suggest).

In all of these names, one thing stands out: the dominance of male candidates, and the absence of women, with one or two exceptions. A fix is ​​necessarily needed.

(Nicolas Gros-Verheyde)


A good dozen positions in play

The deal is quite complex, but the game is quite refined. Because we can put other positions in the balance or offer compensation to failed (or disappointed) candidates or to the countries that present them.

Although there are officially three top posts to be distributed (President of the Commission, of the European Council and High Representative), there are in fact a good ten posts, because certain mandates can be divided into two. Let's count!

To the post of President of the European Commission (for 5 years normally), one can thus add one or two Vice-President(s). The post of President of the European Council can be divided into two (the mandate is two and a half years renewable = 2 posts).

We can add in the balance the post of President of the European Parliament (for five years divided into two = 2 posts) and that of President of the European Central Bank (for 8 years, but the mandate can be divided as between Jim Duisenberg and Jean -Claude Trichet = 2 posts).

To these must also be added the very discreet but essential positions of the Secretaries General of the three institutions: the Secretary General of the Council of the EU (the only one provided for by the Treaty and appointed by the European Council at the same as its president), the secretary general of the European diplomatic service - EEAS (who is often the subject of a 'ticket' with the High Representative, even if officially he or she is chosen by him or her) and the secretary general of the Commission European Union (an all-powerful post, which is a quasi-vice-president of the Commission, Martin Selmayr has shown this in recent years, as Catherine Day did before).


  1. It is risky to point a candidate too quickly to a position. Experience has shown that until the last moment, a prospective name can end up — like in a game of musical chairs — on another position. Example: in 1999, Javier Solana had been mentioned for a moment as President of the Commission before landing at the post... of High Representative.

Nicolas Gros Verheyde

Chief editor of the B2 site. Graduated in European law from the University of Paris I Pantheon Sorbonne and listener to the 65th session of the IHEDN (Institut des Hautes Etudes de la Défense Nationale. Journalist since 1989, founded B2 - Bruxelles2 in 2008. EU/NATO correspondent in Brussels for Sud-Ouest (previously West-France and France-Soir).

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