Strengthening the maritime capacities of the Indian Ocean, are we floundering?
(BRUSSELS2, analysis) For nearly two years now, the EU has been trying to put together a strategy to strengthen the maritime capacities of the countries of East Africa and the countries bordering the Indian Ocean. Several option papers were drafted, successively. But none really worked. It's not to have thought, planned, reworked... But there is always a good reason not to go further, to postpone the decision until later. The ambassadors of the COPS - the political and security committee of the EU - thus again worked on the subject in May. A new option paper had been presented to them. They decided to continue... the work by retaining two hypotheses essentially.
Eight options
The eight options had been divided into two objectives: the control of coasts and maritime areas on the one hand, the strengthening of judicial and penitentiary capacities, on the other.
The first objective (called A) aims to strengthen the capacities of the riparian States to enable them to have better control of their maritime zone: reinforcement of the maritime capacities in the riparian countries (except Somalia) allowing them to take control of the territorial waters up to 12 miles and, in a second stage, around the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) (option A1); reinforcement of coastal surveillance capacities in Somalia, on land, with a "coastal" police (option A2); reinforcement of law enforcement capacities, to deal with the violence of pirate actions, in countries that already have certain maritime capacities (option A3); assistance and advice for the planning and programming of coastguards and ships (option A4). NB: the refinement of these different options aims, as we can see, to avoid providing Somalia with marine forces which could very easily be converted into pirate forces (as has already been the case in the past!).
The second objective (called B) aims to strengthen the judicial capacity and the rule of law of the countries concerned, in close liaison with the programs already developed by the UNODC (the united nations office for the fight against crime and drugs): local fight against crime (option B1), creation of courts, one in Puntland, the other in Somaliland with the establishment of a PSDC mission to assist justice in Somalia (option B2), prisons (option B3), development of a regional court, training of police and customs and creation of a joint investigation team (option B4).
The next step: preparing a concept
We are starting to move forward... The ambassadors have asked EU planning experts to prepare a Crisis Management Concept (CMC), the first document prior to the launch of a PeSDC mission on two main topics. Firstly, in the riparian countries (except Somalia), the reinforced control of the territorial waters and (in a second stage) of the exclusive economic zone of the riparian states. Secondly, in Somalia, land control of the Somali coast, for example, through the development of a coastal police. That is roughly options A1 and A2. On the side of justice and the rule of law, the ambassadors, on the other hand, stalled and asked... that the work be continued (in particular in connection with the UNODC)!
Finish the rounds of legs and the discussions in rooms
(comment) Is all this very serious and up to the current challenges? It is certainly interesting to talk about strategy, to raise this or that problem, to refine this or that option... But, during this time, piracy is developing. The financial autonomy – and therefore the capacities – of pirates of the seas is growing. And also their legitimacy. If we add up the gain from the ransoms, we would arrive at a turnover that is close to the gross domestic product (GDP) of Puntland...
For three years, there has been a general consensus among politicians (Europeans and Africans), the military (EU, NATO, USA, Russia...), the maritime industry (shipowners, owners...) to say that the solution to piracy off Somalia will be ashore. That is to say essentially in strengthening the capacities of the states bordering the Indian Ocean and restoring the rule of law in Somalia. Admittedly, this costs a little in terms of funding (a few million euros!) or political responsibility (it is not certain that it will work 100%). And it also requires choosing. This also carries a risk: that of seeing this choice criticized. But whatever.
It now seems urgent to stop procrastinating – even if it means trying a pilot experiment in one or two test countries – and to get started. Because it will take several more years before the expected results produce their effects. It would therefore be time today for the Europeans to stop "gibbering", to decide and not to take two years before approving the launch of this new mission...
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